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Evolutionary Psychology-1May 16, 2005[ 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 ]
The implications of evolutionary psychology are relatively sweeping: in contrast to classical psychology, EP posits that the mind/brain is like a computer: "Evolutionary Psychology: A Primer" Cosmides & Tooby: The brain is a physical system whose operation is governed solely by the laws of chemistry and physics. What does this mean? It means that all of your thoughts and hopes and dreams and feelings are produced by chemical reactions going on in your head [...] The brain's function is to process information. In other words, it is a computer that is made of organic (carbon-based) compounds rather than silicon chips. The brain is comprised of [sic.] cells: primarily neurons and their supporting structures. Neurons are cells that are specialized for the transmission of information. Electrochemical reactions cause neurons to fire.C&T mean "composed of," not "comprised of," and I feel sketchy about their conclusion about the brain:computer analogy as well. If artificial intelligence is ever achieved, the breakthrough should most likely include several layers of software, such as microcode, the BIOS, the OS, and applications; each of these evolved separately. It seems as if C&T are proposing a false dichotomy: either brains (computers) are hardwired to do each individual task, or else they are "blank slates," like imaginary computers that can be programmed by the end user to be cell phones, Macintoshes, or home entertainment systems. As we all know from computers, neither is the case. Computers do have ALUs, which include between 40 and 500+ individual "execution units," or extremely limited electronic re-arrangements of an incoming signal. However, there is an important difference between an execution unit and a computer program. The rest of the primer is open to the same sort of criticism: the writers tried to simplify by drawing analogies that tend to undermine their arguments. For example, principle 2-"Our neural circuits were designed by natural selection to solve problems that our ancestors faced during our species' evolutionary history"-is used to explain evolutionary detritus, such as rape in an civilized society. Principle 3-"...Most of what goes on in your mind is hidden from you"-uses the allegory of a president's relationship to the federal government. The imputation is that consciousness sits atop a pyramid of communication, from sensory input (or spies, satellites, diplomats, experts) to the executive. The problem with this analogy is that a real government illustrates the paradox of plasticity and specialization: some departments, like the Pentagon, are called up to do everything that any government has ever undertaken to do. Others, such as the NSA and the Library of Congress, are hyperspecialized. Still others, like the Department of the Interior (or the Central Bank of Argentina), periodically change function entirely. Once a change of regime has occurred, the agency is entirely fixed. Another summary of C&T's version of EP is furnished by David Buller: "A Guided Tour of Evolutionary Psychology":...Adoption of an evolutionary perspective on human psychology immediately entails a number of very specific theoretical and methodological commitments. [...] The basic tenet of Evolutionary Psychology is that, just as evolution by natural selection has created morphological adaptations that are universal among humans, so it has created universal psychological adaptations. (An adaptation is a trait that has been fashioned by selection for its functional role in an organism). [...] The goal of Evolutionary Psychology, then, is to discover and describe the functioning of our psychological adaptations, which are the "proximate mechanisms" that cause our behavior (Cosmides & Tooby 1987).Buller flatly contradicts C&T's claim that neuroscience endorses EP: As we have seen, Evolutionary Psychologists claim that the human mind contains "hundreds or thousands" of functionally specialized modules whose "basic logic is specified by our genetic program" [...] Over the course of human evolutionary history, according to Evolutionary Psychologists, modules "were cumulatively added because they 'reasoned' or 'processed information' in a way that enhanced the adaptive regulation of behavior"In other words, revelations about the purpose of identified bases in the human genome have made it implausible that genes exist to hardwire higher cognitive functions in the brain; they do hardwire features such as perception. Second, the brain structures that perform specialized functions develop through a process of diffuse proliferation of brain cells and connections followed by a "pruning" that shapes this diffuse connectivity into relatively specialized structures [...] That is, brain structures are the product of a process consisting of both "additive" events (the formation and migration of brain cells and the formation of neural connections) and "subtractive" events (the pruning of synapses through cell death and axonal retraction) [...] The subtractive events, however, are not under genetic control. Rather, the subtractive events occur through cell competition, whereby cells with the strongest patterns of innervation (primarily from sensory inputs) retain their connections and the others die. Thus, genes code for the proteins involved in the additive events during brain development, but the forms and functions of brain structures are then determined by brain cell/environment interaction.This was, for me, the most exciting thing I took away from my reading and it is expounded upon in much greater detail in "Against Promiscuous Modularity" (PDF; 2000; Buller & Hardcastle, p.5ff). It would appear the developing embryo is a neurological microcosm of evolution. We may, nonetheless, have been faced with recurrent adaptive problems throughout our evolutionary history, and our brains may have indeed recurrently produced information-processing solutions to these problems. But contrary to Evolutionary Psychologists' a priori argument, distinct "genetically specified" modules were not required to solve these recurrent adaptive problems. Our brains hit upon a different solution: general plasticity that allows particular environmental demands to participate heavily in tailoring the responses to those very demands. This process can produce relatively stable brain structures that specialize primarily in particular information-processing tasks (that is, something like modules can emerge from this process), and these structures can be produced with some regularity across populations and down lineages. But, the extent to which modularized outcomes of human brain development have been regular throughout some of our evolutionary history is due to the fact that developmentally plastic human brains have encountered recurrent environmental demands throughout that history, not to "genetic specification" of the outcomes.With this, Buller severely batters EP as we know it. Having read several EP monographs, I confess Buller's conclusions come as something of a relief to me. EP conclusions seem rather trivial, violate my own understanding of certain social sciences, use logical fallacies to arrive at spurious conclusions, and avoid falsification. For example, in "Heroine with a Thousand Faces," the expectations (PDF-p.4) are a festival of crude sexist assumptions which the authors gamely suggest reflect appropriate reproduction strategies. They locate about 150 folk narratives from around the world, get student volunteers to key them in, and voila! They confirm their expectations of universality, then claim (p.5): While some of these observations may seem obvious on the basis of commonsense, they are at odds with the dominant humanities models, which predict strong inter-cultural variability given the basically arbitrary nature of human social and gender relationships.While youthful activists from these departments may make such a claim, I come from a discipline which also expects universal application of basic "laws": economics. Given the test conditions the authors of that paper set up, all that was required to prove their hypothesis was a culture with a tradition of ownership of females. Folk narratives that are likely to reach the present age would most likely come from such a society. However, there are several reasons why my discussion of EP has only just begun. One is, I don't claim to be qualified to judge decisively on C&T (and Richard Dawkins, or Steve Pinker,...) versus detractors like Buller. Second, EP may be refined to overcome these criticisms. Third, there are collateral implications for EP as it is accepted more broadly (whether it is the best paradigm or not). Fourth, EP seeks to explain things that are of interest to HC. (Part 3) |